UK Prime Minister David Cameron has managed to convince some of the world’s most powerful people, including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to come to London because Somalia is seen as the world’s most comprehensively failed state, representing a threat to itself, the Horn of Africa region and the wider world.

The conference will focus on three issues that have already had far-reaching and devastating consequences: Piracy, terrorism and famine.

But away from the headlines and the stereotypical media images of skeletal children, skinny pirates in tiny skiffs, and gun-wielding Islamist insurgents, their heads wrapped in black and white scarves, there is another side to the Somali story that is positive, enterprising and hopeful.

Remarkable things are happening which could serve as models for a new start.

It may come as a surprise that, despite coming top of the world’s Failed State Index for the past four years in a row, Somalia ranks in the top 50% of African countries on several key development indicators.

A study by the US-based Independent Institute found that Somalia came near the bottom on only three out of 13 indicators: Infant mortality; access to improved water resources and immunisation rates.

It came in the top 50% in crucial indicators like child malnutrition and life expectancy, although this may have changed since last year’s famine.

“Far from chaos and economic collapse, we found that Somalia is generally doing better than when it had a state,” said the institute.

“Urban businessmen, international corporations, and rural pastoralists have all functioned in a stateless Somalia, achieving standards of living for the country that are equal or superior to many other African nations.”

‘Freewheeling capitalism’

Of course many people in Somalia have suffered horribly during the past 20 years of state collapse, but some sectors of the economy, both traditional and modern, are positively booming.

It may come as another surprise that two northern Somali ports account for 95% of all goat and 52% of all sheep exports for the entire East African region.

According to the London-based Chatham House think-tank, the export of livestock through these ports, and the nearby port of Djibouti, represents what “is said to be the largest movement of live animal – ‘on the hoof’ – trade anywhere in the world”.

I recently visited one of these ports, Berbera, in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, where port manager Ali Xoorxoor told me: “I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012.

“This is because of healthy demand from the Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, and new markets emerging in Egypt, Syria and Oman. The Egyptians are especially fond of our camels, mainly for meat.”

The livestock trade has exploded since Somalia’s government imploded in 1991.

One trader told me exports from the northern ports alone is worth more than $2bn (£1.3bn) a year; this does not appear to be an exaggeration, when one considers that just one sheep is worth at least $30 and a camel several hundred.

Academic Peter Little found what he described as a “spectacular surge” in cross-border cattle trade from Somalia to Kenya, where cattle sales in the Kenyan town of Garissa, near the border with Somalia, grew by an “astounding” 600% in the years following the collapse of central authority.

In his book, Somalia: Economy without State, Mr Little describes how “a freewheeling, stateless capitalism” has flourished in the country.

A trend-setting boutique in Hargeisa is one of several innovative businesses

On their way to market, Somali nomads drive their livestock through hundreds of kilometres of harsh, hostile terrain, much of it occupied by militias including the Islamist group, al-Shabab.

These nomads know how to negotiate their way through enemy territory; perhaps they have a thing or two to teach Somali politicians and international agencies struggling to get aid to those who need it most.

Cold Coca-Cola

Another traditional area of the Somali economy which has thrived in a stateless society, and could serve as a useful model, is the khat trade, worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

This narcotic leaf, grown in Kenya and Ethiopia, is delivered fresh, with tremendous efficiency, to remote parts of Somalia, including those affected by drought and famine.

Special “khat planes”, pick-up trucks and people on foot ensure khat gets to market before noon, the day after it is picked.

Otherwise, the khat-chewers will not buy it.

The local authorities and international aid agencies could learn something from those in the khat business about how to deliver supplies, perhaps of food, medicine and other essential items, to difficult and dangerous areas.

As Somali analyst Nuradin Dirie says: “The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn’t stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan – anything really.

“I suggested to the UN that it could make use of khat networks to vaccinate children as this would create an opportunity for 100% vaccination coverages.

Khat users insist on having fresh leaves to chew – so it must be delivered soon after harvesting

“Of course I did not succeed,” he says.

“I have travelled quite a lot inside Somalia. To little villages and big towns, to far away rural areas and to remote coastal outposts.

“Wherever I go, I always manage to get a cold Coca-Cola. If they can store cool Coca-Cola, there is a strong possibility they can handle vaccinations too.”

Other more modern sectors of the economy are also thriving.

Somalia has one of the cheapest, most efficient mobile phone networks in Africa.

It is home to Dahabshiil, one of the largest money transfer companies on the continent, which together with other remittance outfits, delivers some $2bn worth of remittances to Somali territories a year, according to the UN.

Like the khat traders, remittance companies deliver money to remote and treacherous places all over Somalia.

Can-do attitude

Some humanitarian groups use these companies to deliver cash-for-food and other forms of assistance; perhaps more use could be made of these pre-existing remittance networks, which link Somalis together, wherever they are in the world, connecting them in a matter of minutes.

Many Somali camels are exported to Egypt, where they are highly prized

There is a startling contrast between the productive, can-do attitude of the Somali business community, and the sometimes obstructive, counter-productive approach of the politicians.

Members of the Somali diaspora, and those who stayed behind during the long years of conflict, are doing daring, imaginative and positive things.

A group of British-educated brothers from the self-declared republic of Somaliland has built a Coca-Cola bottling plant amongst the sand, anthills and cacti, creating a surreal environment of green lawns, gleaming white walls, glossy red paint, and polished factory floors.

A pioneering young woman has recently set up an art gallery in Hargeisa.

Another has opened up a boutique, where smartly dressed attendants sell shoes, handbags, brightly coloured lingerie, and men’s and women’s clothes in the very latest Somali fashion.

A man in Mogadishu runs a Billiards and Snooker Federation.

There are also political models and inspirations on offer within the Somali territories.

The most striking is Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, and has built itself up from war-torn rubble into probably the most democratic polity in the Horn of Africa.

It has done this on its own, from the bottom-up, combining the old with the new, to create a political system that gives authority to clan elders as well as those elected by the public.

The Somali business community and places like Somaliland have “worked” because they have married the best of the traditional and the modern.

Much that has “failed” in Somalia is a result of combining the “bad”, divisive things about the traditional clan system with dangerous modern elements, especially weapons.

It might be more productive for anyone interested in helping Somalia back onto its feet, including those at the London Conference, to deal with and learn from the business community instead of the politicians.

Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-17080664

British Ambassador to Somalia, Nairobi

February 10, 2012

The upcoming summit has the chance to set a new strategic agenda for transforming Somalia [GALLO/GETTY]

Minneapolis, MN - The upcoming London Conference on Somalia is, potentially, a promising occasion to finally put the country on the road to peace, stability and democracy. Whether this opportunity is realised will be largely contingent upon the willingness and ability of the participants to chart a new course that takes full stock of the genuine and long term needs of the Somali people. Only through a just course and able order can terrorism and piracy in Somalia be defeated, and regional security restored.

Thus, so far, more than a dozen conferences on Somalia have produced unsustainable, incompetent and costly transitional dispensations that had ill-served the Somali people or those members of the international community in solidarity with it. The key political strategy of the past 20 years has been anchored on this flawed assumption: the cause of the Somali political disaster has been due to the neglect of clan identity in political affairs of the country.

Consequently, it has been argued that political injustices of the past can only be remedied by formally deploying political tribalism as the sole paradigm and means of structuring political representation in government and the distribution of public service posts. This approach was formalised in the 2000 Arta Conference and has marked all subsequent political developments in Somalia.

More than two decades of practical experience has demonstrated the acute dysfunctionality of the political formula, and all transitional governments have been severely shackled by it. This tribal political agenda injects four most serious maladies into the political process. First, it closes off the usable memory of exemplary lessons from times of national unity and collective dignity; second, it degrades and then marginalises competence and merit by artificially equalising the capacity and integrity of all individuals from the same genealogical community; third, it transforms a minor cultural difference within communities and among Somalis into major political rifts, and, finally, because of such division, it encourages endless retailing of identity which then demands political representation.

Consequently, every small “identity group” insists on being represented in parliament, government and the civil service. Such demands have led to outrageously oversized parliaments and cabinets and a bloated civil service. Tribal representation, then, has become an end in itself. This ambience has made tackling the critically needed delivery of services, such as security, education, health and infrastructure, virtually impossible. Instead, a significant portion of the meagre resources of the country and aid continue to be consumed by such unsavoury operations.

The priority of the international community over the past two decades has been to stabilise Somalia by supporting such a tribalist or clientalist political agenda and proxy regional interventions. However, this strategy continues to destabilise the country, concreting divisions among the population, enabling pirates and terrorists, and encouraging corrupt officials to flourish – at the cost of the wellbeing of the population and the genuine investment of the international community.

But the situation need not stay as it is. On the contrary, there is a clear alternative - one that can at once eliminate all forms of piracy and terrorism, revive and invigorate civic unity among the population and lead to a democratic and peaceful Somalia.

A most plausible alternative

Informed people report that the London conference might not get away from the sectarian political formula in order to jumpstart Somalia’s post-transition era. It would be extremely tragic and most unfortunate if this opportunity were squandered, particularly given the population’s hunger for a just and competent government, as well as the opening that the withdrawal of al-Shabab forces from Mogadishu has created.

Repeating failed political projects of the past two decades, such as political tribalism, warlordism, sectarian Islamism and clientialist Somali regimes engineered from outside are certain to meet the same fate. Equally dismaying and disheartening will be to allow the current transition to continue or to reinvent bankrupt scenarios that are a grotesque parody of what can and ought to be.

Now, there is a most plausible alternative that can produce a win-win outcome for all concerned. There are five pillars of such a strategy:

• Establishing a civic political agenda that can subvert the sectarian tribal dispensation
• Building a three-year government of national reconstruction
• Instituting a constituent assembly consisting of 100 eminent Somalis from all regions and walks of life
• Training and deploying a coherent and professional security and police force that can replace the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) within two years
• Guaranteeing a substantial, carefully accounted for and sustained commitment from the international community.

A civic political strategy

An alternative to the current destructive degeneration is a plan whose core values stress civic commonality, justice and effective delivery of key services to the population. Our experience in different parts of the country has taught us that the vast majority of the population cares less about tribal representation, but is deeply concerned about the absence of conditions conducive to socio-economic development.

A constituent assemblyObviously, to undertake the pursuit of effective delivery of justice, order and services presuppose institutions founded on merit and competence that are the antithesis of the current political formula. Thus, at this opportune moment, it is necessary to revise the political logic of the past two decades and transform representation into a means of activating democracy, justice, and good governance. This will recharge common civic sentiments. The material effect of such reform will mean fewer political representatives, a smaller, legitimate and efficient government, and a demonstrably skillful civil service.

A decisive decision to turn representation into a means for producing democratic and able government will immediately translate into a much smaller national parliament and government. In this scenario, the new parliament must not exceed 135 MPs, rather than the current 550. As a result, parliamentary constituencies will be fewer and will cover larger geographical areas, with inclusive rather than exclusive communities.

The first step in this reform, is to replace the current Transitional Federal Parliament with a small Constituent Assembly of 100 people, whose sole mandate would be to guide a constitution-making process that will lead the country towards a democratic election within two years. Members of this assembly will be barred from standing for the first parliamentary election or becoming part of the post-election government.

They must also be men and women of outstanding civic credentials who have consistently demonstrated their commitment to justice, competence, and the collective wellbeing of the Somali people. To be sure, selecting such people will not be simple, but it is quite feasible if enough commitment and wise energy is forthcoming from the international community.

One way to jumpstart this process is to identify three outstanding citizens of three countries which have not been, heretofore, involved in Somali problems. Among such countries are South Africa, Norway and Turkey. Immediately after this, a system will be put into place through which Somalis from various regions could nominate individuals – individuals whose CVs and public records would be rigorously scrutinised by the three-person committee. A small technical team that will develop the basic selection criteria will support the committee. A transparent assessment of the candidates will be conducted by the three panel committee and can produce a regionally balanced short list of 100 individuals, plus a reserve list of 50. The final list will be carefully vetted and then announced in Mogadishu by July 30, 2012.

The task of the assembly will be to act as a quasi-legislative (caretaker) authority that will select a small constitutional committee to draft a national charter, based on the 1961 democratic constitution. In addition, it will have the authority to protect Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity during its tenure; and will be responsible for overseeing the election of a national parliament at the end of two years – as well as watching over the shift from the government of national reconstruction to the democratic state.

The African Union mission could be replaced with a professional domestic police force  [GALLO/GETTY]

A technocrat cabinet

For more than a decade, various transitional governments have had huge cabinets (with more than 50 ministers and their deputies), simply to accommodate a bizarre tribal representational formula. Because of their size and the culture of ineptness that the political formula engendered, the regimes were not equipped to do the least bit of work, such as rebuilding the machinery of the state and, consequently, had little capacity to affect positive change.

In contrast, the heart of the national government for reconstruction would be a more nimble and smaller structure consisting of ten ministries, whose main assignment over the next two years would be to focus on rebuilding the capacity of each department and make them ready for takeoff, once a democratic government is elected. These ministries should comprise the following:

• Security and defence
• Economic development and planning
• Education
• Health
• Public works and transport
• Foreign affairs and international relations;
• Interior
• Water resources and environment;
• Commerce, industry and mining;
• Agriculture, livestock and marine.

In tandem with other reforms, the individuals who will occupy these posts will be selected on the basis of a combination of merit and regional representation. However, competence will trump representation whenever the two criteria collide. Moreover, those who are asked to serve in the time of reconstruction will not be eligible to compete for the post-reconstruction government.

A professional security force

Somalia’s many transitional regimes failed to build a security force that had the capacity to restore order and gain the quick respect of the population. Without the establishment of such a force, there is no chance that a peaceful and democratic Somali government could re-emerge. It is, therefore, imperative that utmost attention should be given to this institution. There is a feasible way to start rebuilding a national police force and a small, mobile and effective defence force.

To start with, a clear and fixed date must be set, within two years, for AMISOM to leave the country. During this period, Turkey and Norway could be given the lead to train Somali defence forces, while Germany could lead the police training project. It is vital that the training of the Somali forces be done in one place, such as Djibouti, and under one command.

If such a programme is initiated in July, the earliest recruits should be ready for deployment within a year and should be able to replace AMISOM in the more secure areas of the country. For these forces to be successful, it is necessary that there be an independent commission of Somalis, coupled with experienced others, who will mentor and monitor the forces. The size of the national police force must be 20,000 strong and the sum of the defence force (including the coast guard) should not exceed 10,000.There are enough young Somalis from all regions who have a secondary school level education that can be recruited to the forces to populate lower and mid-level cadets and officer cadres. Similarly, there are sufficient number of university educated Somalis who will be attracted to join the forces and be trained for senior level posts. How the recruitment and the training process is done will determine the fruitfulness of the project.

A sustained international commitment

Transforming Somalia is pivotal to changing the fortunes of the Horn of Africa from a region known for endless wars, dictatorship, and overall wretchedness to a zone where people’s talents and natural resources are deployed to improve the quality of life of ordinary citizens. If the London conference pursues an ethical and determined strategy whose centre of gravity is justice for the Somali people, then it will trigger a regional civic and political spirit.

Such a change will turn attention to work on economic growth and development, peaceful transformation of conflicts, and a renewal of tolerant, if not cosmopolitan, Somali culture at its best. Regrettably, past conferences held for Somalia were never followed up with sustained, sufficient, and systematic material and moral support for the country. On the contrary, divisive and instrumentalist agendas dominated international community interventions and the consequences have been dire for all concerned.

The London conference must radically break with that pattern. To do so could begin with the establishment of a small and unified council, led by Norway, Turkey and South Africa, that is empowered materially and politically to orchestrate international support for Somalia. This effort must be free from self-serving regional or international agendas.

The commanding objective, then, must be this: to assist Somalia to re-emerge as a democratic, productive, and law-abiding country at peace with its people, its neighbours and the world. The promise of the London conference cannot be over-stated. It is a strategic opportunity and can, unlike other gatherings that preceded it, usher in a humane and democratic era – not only in Somalia, but also across the entire region. This hope can be realised only if the population’s desperate need for civic rebirth and unity is the anchor of the proceedings.

Abdi Ismail Samatar is a Professor of Geography at the University of Minnesota and a research fellow at the University of Pretoria. He is a founding member of the new Somali political party, Hiil Qaran.

Source: http://www.aljazeera.com

Hordhac

Kahor Inta aan dooda la xariirta runta xijaabka guda galin  waxan jeclahay in hordhacan aan kuxuso arimaha soo socda:

Marka hore in diinta Rabiga tahay mid garashdeeda fududahay, una’qorsheysan inuu fahmo qofka caadiga ah ee yaraantiisa  dugsi iyo waxbarasho midkoodna soomarin.

• Tan labaad in aayada dhaheyso: “ La- ikraha fi-ddin”(Qasab diinta kamid ma’ahan) (لا إكراه فى الدين ) tahay salidhiga diinta Islaamka.

Haddii aayada kor ku xusan sharci ahaan loo hir’geliyo, waxa markaas xadgudub cad noqonaysa, in qof, qof kale ku’qasbo gudashada wajibaadka diinta sida tukashada,  salaada, ama cunto kasoonka bisha Ramadaan, iyo wixi la mid’ah.

Diinta qofka marna kama qaadeeyso doonistiisa xorta ah, ama waxa afka qalaad lagu’yiraahdo  ( His  free will), qofka sharaftisa iyo xaqdhoorkiisa   labadaba waxy ku jiraan  in wajibaadka diintiisa fareeyso doonistiisa xorta ah ku guto, cabsi la’aan iyo cadaadis la’aan.

Arinta hadii sida kor ku xusan u’aragno waxaa xad’gudub diinta Rabiga  lagu xad’gubo noqonaayo,  in qof lagu maquuniyo gudashda waajibaadka diintiisa. Diin isku maquunis Rabiga marnaba raali kama ahan, mana keeneeyso ku dhawaasho Rabi.

• Sida kor ku xusan diinta Rabiga waxaa lagu sifeen karaa, mid aan mugdi ku jirin,  marka hadii aad aragtid arin diin oo murgan, mugdina ku jirta marwaalba xisaabta ku darso in arintaas fikir aadane ku lifaaqanyahay.

                             RUNTA XIJAABKA

 Doodda  maqaalkan waxa fure u’ah in marka’hore la isweeydiiyo ereyga XIJAAB micnihiisa.

Xijaab, micnihiisa aff – Somali ahan waa “DAAH”,

Daah qofka ka xageeyo  uusan kuu muuqanin.

Ereyga intaas kabadan laguma jeedo. Micno intaas dhaafsiisana ma xambaarikaro.

Intaas waxaan kudari lahaa in  diinta Islaamka meel dhow ama meel  dheer ku xusin dhar, ama hubqaad gaar ah, oo diinta Islaamka  fareeyso in haweenka muslinka labistaan.

Waxaa kaloo diinta islaamka ku jirin  dhar magaciisa layiraahdo xijaab, ama xataa hab tolitaan dhar ah  oo magaciisa la yiraahdo xijaab.

Waxa kaloo xusid mudan in dhaqankan xijaabka ah ee dhawaan ku fidey dunida muslinka seddex qodob sabab looga dhigo:

1-      Kacankga lagu magacaabo kacaanka muslinka ee dalka Iraan ka hanaqaaday sanaddii  1989, oo haweenka Iiraan  dhamaantood ku qasbay in dhar xijaab la yiraahdo ( oo diinta islaamka ku xusneen)  labistaan.

2-      Dowlada Sacuudiga oo wada qorsha ah in aay fidiso madhabka qalafsan ee wadankeeda looga dhaqmo. Madhabkaas oo haweenka farayo in dhar magaciisa xijaab la yiraahdo labistaan.

3-      Xagjireyaalka isku qasa diinta iyo siyaasada iyo kooxaha argagexisada  ee kadilaaca wadamada muslinka ah  sida Al-shabab oo haweenka ku cadaadiyo qaadashada xijaabka.

QAYBAHA QORAALKA

Qaybta kowaad waa dulmarid aayadaha Quraanka kariimka ah ee aay cuskadaan taageeryaasha xijaabka, si aan u’ogaano micnaha aayadaha iyo fariinta aay xambaarsanyihiin.

• Qaybta labaad waan boor’kaqaadid iyo xoqid labada Xadiis ee ay cuskadan taageerayaasha xijaabka si loo ogaado asalka labadan xadiis, xukunkooda iyo waxtarkooda.
• Qaybta seddexaad waxaan isku weeydiin doonaa mas’alad laxariirta madax-feednaanta dumarka iyo ragga.

QAYBYA KOOWAAD

Aayada kowaad:

” يا أيها الذين امنوا لا تدخلوا بيوت النبي إلا أن يؤذن لكم إلى طعام غير ناظرين إناه، و لكن إذا دُعيتم فادخلوا، فإذا طعمتم فانتشروا، ولا مستأنسين لحديث إن ذلك كان يؤذى النبي فيستحى منكم والله لا يستحى من الحق، و إذا سألتموهن (أى نساء النبى ) متاعاً فاسألوهن من وراء حجاب ذلكم أطهر لقلوبكم و قلوبهن، و ما كان لكم أن تؤذوا رسول الله، و لا أن تنكحوا أزواجه من بعده أبداً، إن ذلكم كان عند الله عظيماً” الأحزاب 53:33

Aayadan magaceeda waa: aayada xijaabka,ama aayada  daaha.

Fariinta aayada xambaarsantahay waxa lagu koobi kara seddex qodob.

1. Hab’dhaqanka qofka muslinka ah laga filaayo mar’ala iyo marka  lagu marti’qaado in guryaha Rasuulka (scw) ka cunteeyaan.
2. In haweenka Rasuulka(scw) iyo raga  guryaha Rasuulka  usoo martiya la dhax dhigo daah  “Xijaab”.
3. Inaan la guursan karin haweenka Rasuulka(scw) geeridiisa ka dib.

Qodobka naga quseeye saddexda  qodob ee aayada xuseyso waa qodobka 2aad  ee kusaabsan daaha ama xijaabka.

Fariinta qodobka labaad  xambaarsanyahay waxaa nooga muuqata  in xijaabka uusan ahayn dhar la labisto oo la farey in xaasaska  Rasuulka (scw)  labistaan, lakiin yahay  daah loo dhexeysiinaayo xaasaska  Rasuulka iyo ragga guryaha Rasuulka u’soo martiya.

Xijaabka  aayada ku xusan  waa daah, ee ma’ahan dhar haweenka labistaan.

Dhar xijaab la’yiraahdo oo Rabiga faray in haweenka labistaan kuma xusna aayadan kor ku xusan.

Daaha aayadan amreyso in uu dhaxmaro,  xaasaska  Rasuulka iyo raga guryahiisa  u’soo martiya waxa looga danleeyahay:  hadii nin ka mid’ah martida Rasuulka doono  in uu lahadlo haweeyen ka mid ah xaasaska Rasuulka (scw), ama u baahdo inuu arin ka codsado, inuu sidaas sameeyo ayada qofta  uu lahadlaayo iyo asaga  u dhaxeeyaan  daah.

Dahaas aya suurtogal ka dhigaaya in labada qof ee isla hadlaaya midkoodna midka kale u’muuqanin.

Xukunka ku jira aayada  waa mid quseeysa, gaarna u’ah   kuna kooban  xilaha Rasuulka (scw) keligood.

Xukunkaan ma qabanaayo, mana quseeyo cid kabaxsan xilaha Rasuulka, sida  gabdhaha Rasuulka waalidka u’yahay, jaariyadaha guriga Rasuulka ku nool, iyo haweenka kale oo muslinka ah.

• Su’aasha la isweeydiink karo waxa tahay: Mabanaantahay in  haweenka muslinka kudaydaan xilaha Rasuulka, si aay u fuliyaan arimihi xilaha Rasuulka(scw) lafare?

Jawaabta waa maya; sababtana waxay tahay in Qur’aanka kariimka ah cadeeyeey in xilaha Rasuulka(scw) leeyihiin axkaan  ayaga keligood u’gaar ah, oo ka duwan xukunada  la faray haweenka kale. { يا نساء النبى لستن كأحد من النساء } [ سورة الأحزاب 33: 32].

Aayadan hada kor ku xusne micnaheeda waa: “ xilaha Nabigoow, lamid matihiin haweenka kale”.

Axkaanta xilaha Rasuulka ugaarka ah waa:

1-      In cadaabta loo kordhinaayo mid kasta oo ayaga ka mid ah oo  latimaada camal fool-xun oo cad ama (faaxishaad banaanka taalo) { يا نساء النبى من يأت منكن بفاحشة مبينة يضاعف لها العذاب  ضعفين }      [ سورة الأحزاب 33: 30 ]

2-      In haweenka ah xilaha Rasuulka(scw) laguursan karin, geerida Rasuulka kadib, oo weligood iska ahaanayaan carma ilaa iyo inta tii rabi “ Geerida” uga imaaneeyso.

{ يا أيها الذين آمنوا … وما كان لكم أن تؤذوا رسول الله ولا أن تنكحوا أزواجه من بعده أبداً  [

سورة الأحزاب 33: 53

3-      Aayada hoos ku xussan marka aay soo degtay Rasuulka waxa laga xarimay  inuu xaas  kale guursado, ama  in xaasaskiisa  mid kamid ah furo booskeedana kubedelo haweeney cusub, ama inuu xilihiisa dhamaantood wada furo, booskoodana kuwo cusub ku bedesho. Sidaasna Rasuulka waxa loogu diiday  inuu xaas  cusub guurso kadib markii Aayada soo degtay. . لايحل لك النساء من بعد ولا أن تبدل بهن من أزواج  [ سورة الأحزاب 33: 52

Intaas oo dhan waa axkaan u’gaar ah xilaha Rasuulka(scw), mana lagu fullinkaro haweenka muslinka ee caadiga ah.

Arinta  kale waxay tahay in Quraanka uu farey muslimiinta  in Rasuulka (scw) ku’daydaan (لقد كان لكم فى رسول الله أسوة حسنة) laakiin Quraanka kumataalo aayada haweenka muslinka fareyso in aay kudayadaan xiliha Rasuulka.

Sheekada marna ma ahan in raga muslinka ah ay  ku daydaaan Rasuulka(scw), halka  haweenka muslinka ahna   ay ku daydaan xilaha Rasuulka .

Xilaha Rasuulka nabinnimo iyo rasuulnimo waa kafogyihiin, waa dumar wanaagsan oo akhyaar ah, lakiin ayaadaha Quraanka kariimka ah laguma haayo raad cadeynaaya in xilaha Rasuulka  yihiin horjoogeyaal haweenka muslinka lafarey in aay kudaydan.

Aayada labaad :

• وقل للمؤمنات يغضضن من أبصارنهن، ويحفظن فروجهن، ولا بيدين زينتهن إلا ما ظهر منها،وليضربن بخمورهن على جيوبهن. ( النور 31:24)

Aayadan magaceeda waa  aayada qimaarka,ama  aayada hagoogta.

Sababta aayadan u soo dagtey waa in haweenka xiliga Rasuulka (scw) joogay ay  caado u ahayd  in madaxa hagoog sartaan.  Waxaa kalo caado ahayd in hagoogta,  garbaha dushooda ka tuuraan, sidaas aawgeedna waxa muuqan jiray aybta sare ee xabadkooda.

Aayaddan haweenka waxay fareeysa, in hagoogta  ka soo tuuran garbaha hortooda, markaasna geliyaan jeebka kutolan xabadka korkiisa, si markaas u asturanto  qaybta sare ee xabadkooda.

Fariinta  aayada xambaarsantahay waa bedelaad  caado, ama dhaqan jiri jirey oo aha:  in haweenka hagoogta  katuuri jireen garbaha dushooda, dhaqankaasna lagu beledo dhaqan cusub oo ah:  in haweenka hagoogta  katuuran garbaha hortooda si markaas u asturanto qaybta sare ee xabadkooda.

Nuxurka aayada waa in caado ama dhaqan jiri jirey lagu bedelo caado ama dhaqan cusub.

Xikmada aayada xambarsantahay waa asturaada la asturayo  qaybta sare ee xabadka haweenka ee caado ahaan muuqan jirtey inta aayada soo degin ka hor.

Aayada fariin intaas kabadan ma xambaarsano. Dhar xijaab la yiraahdo oo aayada  kuxusan majiro.Sharci farayo haweenka in aay isxijaaban kumajiro

Culimada qaarkood ayaa ku dooda in aayadan qasdiga laga lahaa yahay in lagu kala sooco  haweenka muslinka ah iyo kuwa aan ahayn. Markaasna ay  noqdaan haweenka muslimka ah kuwa xabadkooda asturanyahay, haweekna muslinka ahayna  kuwa xabadkooda muuqda.

Aayada sedexaad :

” يا أيها النبي قل لأزواجك، وبناتك، ونساء المؤمنين يدنين عليهن من جلابيبهن ذلك أدنى أن يعرفن فلا يؤذين” ( الأحزاب 59 )

Aayadan magaceeda waa: aayada jalaabiibta,ama ayaada diraca, ama jilbaabka.

Asbaabta soo degitaanka  aayadan aya lagu tilmaamaa in aay ugu wacnayd in haweenka xiliga Rasuulka (scw) joogey, banaaka fog musqul ahaan u aadi jireen.

Haweenkaas faduulis iyo faraxumeen badan ayeey kala kulmi jireen raga xun ee haweenka faduuliya marka meel cidlo ah ku helaan.

Ragaas aya la sheege in aay kalagaran waayeen, jaariyadaha, iyo haweenka gobta ah. Aayadana waxay soo degtay kadib markii haweenka cabasho ka keeneen dhibaatada ka haaysato  Musqulada  banaanka fog ay u  aadijireen.

Jilbaab hoos u’dhigida aayadan aay ah aayad  haweenka xorta ah fareeysa waa  mid sahleeyo in haweenka xorta ah lagu garto, si aan loo dhibin.

Marka jilbaab hoos udhigida danta laga leeyahay waa ( garasho) (أدني أن يعرفن  ) si aan loo dhibin (فلا يؤذين)

Marka  aqoonsiga haweenka gobta ah waa diraca dheer, islamarkana aqoonsiga jaariyadahana  iyo  haweenka xun waa diraca gaaban.

Hadafka  aayadan  waa in laka saaro oo lakala garto haweenka gobta ah, iyo jaariyadaha iyo haweenka xun, aayadana micno kale ma’xambaarsano.

Cilmiga la yiraahdo Usoolul-fiqh (اُصول الفقه) waxuu ku saleeysanyahay in hadii sabata xukun dhalise tirtiranto, xukunkana tirtirmaayo.

Xukunka marwalba waxuu daba socdaa sababta dhalisey. Hadii sababtii xukunka dhalisey meesha ka baxdo oo la waayo, xukunkana waa in  uu  meesha ka baxaa.

Taas micnaheeda waxaa waaye: madaama hada  jirin haween gob ah iyo haween aan gob ahayn, iyo haween dibada fog musqul ahaan u aada, majirto sabab loo dhihi karo haweenka dirica ama jilbaabka hoos ha udhigaan si loogu aqoonsado, waayo sababti xukunka dhalisey aya meesha ka baxday.

Seddexda Aayadood ee kor ku xusan waxaa si weyn uga muuqda in uusan jirin habayaraatee xukun cad oo haweenka muslinka faraayo in aay is xijaabaan ama  xili walba labistaan (uniform) ayaga u’gaar ah oo magaciisa la’yiraahdo xijaab.

Hadii  saddexda aayadood ee kor kuxusan midood ku  cadahay xukun haweenka faraayo  in aay isxijaabaan ama  lebistaan (uniform) ayaga  u’gaar ah, markaas looma baahdeen  in aay soo degto aayad labaad iyo aayad sedexaad  oo isla  xukunkii naftiisa ka hadleeyso.

Caqliga caadiga ah waxuu si sahlan u fahmi karaa in iska soo daba noqoshada aayadaha micnaheeda tahay  in aayad walba gooni’ahaanteed  uleedahay qasdi (hadaf) iyo dan (purpose) ka duwan aayada kale.

Xeer dejiyaasha  caadiga ah waxa laga filaaya in uu ka fogyahay inuu qodob hal xeer la xariira marar badan soo celceliyo asagoo adeegsanaayo ereyo kaladuwan.

Ilaahey subxaano wa tacaala waa  xeer dejiyahay ugu weyn, waa ka nazahanyahay inuu qodob kusaabsan hal xeer sadex aayadood oo kala gedisan ku soo dejiyo.

QAYBTA LABAAD      

Qeebtan waxaan ku faaqideynaa laba Xadiis oo taagyeerayaasha xijaabka cuskadaan.

1)      لا يحل لإمرأة تؤمن بالله وباليوم الأخر إذا عكرت (بلغت الحيض) أن تظهر إلا وجهها ويديها إلى هنا  وقبض نصف الذراع.

Xalaal u’ma ahan haweeney aaminsan Ilaahey iyo maalinta qiyaame hadii aay qaan gaaro in aay bandhigto wax ka badan wajigeeda iyo labadeeda gacmood. Rasuulka (scw) markaas waxuu qabte dhexda garabkiisa.

2)      رووِي عن ابى داود عن عائشة أن أسماء بنت أبى بكر دخلت على الرسول فقال لها: يا أسماء، إن المرأة إذا بلغت لم يصلح أن يرى فيها إلا هذا، وشار إلى وجهه وكفيه

Abii-Daauud waxuu soo wariyey in Caa’isha (xaaska Rasuulka scw) laga wariyey in walaasheed Ismaa u’gashe Rasuulka markana ku yiri: “ Asmaa, hadii qof dumar ah qaan gaarto, ma aslaxeeyso (ma’fiicno) in laga arko intan mooyaane”

Rasuulka markaas waxuu tilmaame wejigiisa iyo labadiisa gacmood.

FALANKQEENTA LABADA XADIIS:

1-       Marka hore xadiiska kowaad:

Xadiiskan waa nooca looyaqaano axaad,  waa xadiis hal qof keliya soo wariyey.

Qofta xadiiskan laga soo weriye waa xaaska Rasuulka(scw) Caa’isha.

Qofka xadiiska  soo wariye magaciisa waa Khalid bin Dareek.

Dhibka xadiiskan ka jira waaxa waaye in Khaalid bin Dareek  ahayn qof soo gaarey  xiliga xaaska Rasuulka(scw) Caa’isha nooleed, sidaas aawgeedna ma’ahan qof Caa’isha nolol ku arkey.

2-      Xadiiska labaad asagna waa nooca loo yaqaan aaxaad,

Xadiiskan waxa soo saarey  Caalin magaciisa la yiraahdo Abuu- Daauud,  xiliga xadiiskan la soo saaray waa 300 sano kadib geerida Rasuulka (scw).

Abuu- Daauud marka xadiiska uu soo saarey waxuu ku tilmaamay in uu yahay xadiis mursal ah.

Taas micnaheeda waxaa waaye in aan la hubin in xadiiskan Caa’isha laga soo wariyey iyo inkale, sidaas awgeedna xadiiska run ahaantiisa waa mid mugdi uu  ku jiro. Intaas waxa la raacin karaa in labadan xadiis midkood aan lagu arkin kitaabka xadiiska ee loo yaqaaan saxiix Al-bukhari.

Xadiiska kowaaad iyo kan labaad labadaba waa aaxaad. Xadiisna marba hadii lagu magacaabo in uu yahay axaad oo uusan ahayn jamci, taas micnaheeda waxay tahay in xadiiskaas sharci ahaan xukun lagu dhisi karin, xukun dhisnaana lagu dumin karin.

Tan labaad waxaa kuu muuqda inkastoa  labadan  xadiis hal qof laga soo wariye ( Xaaska Rasuulka Caa’isha) haddana labada xadiis waxaa dhaxmaraayo iska horimaad.

Xadiiska koowad waxaa ku xusan  in Rasuulka (scw) garabka gacantiisa dhaxda ka qabte. Taas oo laga fahmi karo in qofta haweenka ah  muujinkarto  wajigeeda iyo  garabkeeda nuskiisa.

Lakiin xadiiska labaad muuqashada waxuu ku soo gaabiye  wejiga iyo labada gaacmood,(الكفين) waxuuna ka reebay garabka nuskiisa.

3-      Inkastoo labada xadiis yihiin laba xadiis oo hal-qof laga soo wariyey hal meelna uwada socdaan hadana waxaad arkeeysa in xadiiska kowaad kahadlaayo arrin shareecada islaamka  lugta kula jirto kuna saabsan ( xalaaleen iyo xaaranmeen)  تحليل و تحريم)), xadiiska waxuu kabilaabmaa (laa-yaxillu)(لا يحل) (uma’xalaalsana) yacni  waa kaxaraan.

Lakiin Xadiiska labaad kama hadlin  arrin shariicada Islaamka  lugta kulajirto.

Xadiiska labaad waxuu leeyahay    (laa’ yasluxu) (لا يصلح)(ma aslaxeeyso)  Oraahda dhahaysa (uma’xalaalsana لا يحل)  iyo tan dhahaysa  (ma’aslaxeeyso لا يصلح)  hadii luqada  shariciga ugaarka ah  lagu fiiriyo waxa soo ifbaxaayo in laba micne oo kala duwan wataan.

Oraahda dhahaysa (ma’aslaxeeyso)(  لا يصلح) kama hadleeyso xalaalnimo iyo xaaraan nimo midkood.

Qeebta sedexaad: Isweeydiin kusaabsan in madax-feednaanta haweenka cowro tahay iyo inkale.

Ka-hor inta labiska(dharka) xijaabka la yiraahdo ku fidin dunida muslinka, waqtigan la joogo, waxaa wadamo  badan oo muslin ah caado ka  ah, qaarkoodana weli caado ka tahay  in gbdhaha guur-doonka ah madaxooda feedanyahay, qaarkoodana tinta u titcantahay,ama udabantahay.

Feeditaanka  timaha gabdhaha    guur-doonka ah waxay ahayd calaamad tilmaameyso in gabadha soo doonasho diyaar u’tahay , oo reerkeeda laga soo raadsan karo. Geberta marka aay guursato dadka waxaay dhahaan  heblaayo waa la shash-saarey.

Shaashka aroosada madaxa loo saarayo habeenka arooska waa tilmaan cadeyneyso in qoftaas ay  reer yeelatay oo aysan  guur u madax-banaaneen. Mana ahan arin cadeeyneyso in tinteeda cowro ahayd, ama arooska kadib cowro noqotey.

Caadada ama dhaqanka noocaas ah Somalia waxaa looga soo dhaqmaaye muddo ku dhow 14 qarni, mana lamaqalin diidmo  xaga culimada diinta oo arintaas la xariirto, xiligaas aad iyo aad u dheer oo soo taxnaa kun iyo afarta boqol sano oo xariirta.

Haddii dhaqankaas ahaan laha mid sharciga islaamka gudubsan mar hore ayuu baabi’i laha oo anaga maba soo gaarneen.

Dhaqanka laxariira in gebdhaha guur-doonka ah  madaxooda feed-naado ma ahan dhaqan Somalida u gaar ah. Hindiga muslinka ah iyo  dadka reer Pakistanata,  dhaqankaas waa la wadaagaan Somaalida,

Inkasto shacabka Pakistaan yahay shacab dhiinta aad iyo aad ugu dhegan haddana wadoonyinka magaalooyinka waaween – ilaa iyo xiligan hada aan joogno – maalin-walba waxaad kula kulmeysa  gabdho magaalada ku dhaxmaraayo madax feednaan.  (gebdhahaas dhamaantood waa gabdhaha guur-doonka ah).

Culimoda reer Pakistaan dadkooda waa wacdiyaan had iyo jeer, arinta gebdhaha madax-feednaanta magaalada ku marayo hadii ay ahaan lehayd arin xaraan ah, culimada reer Pakistaan aritaas waa hore ayey ka hor-istaagi lahaayeen bulshada.

Dhacdooyinkaas ka dhaca Somalia, India, Pakistan iyo wadamo kale oo muslin ah waxaad ka fahmi kartaa in muuqashada timaha haweenka xaraan ama cowro  ahayn.

Gudasha salaada, iyo madax-feednaanta haweenka

Xadiis Rasuulka (scw) laga soo weriye waxa ku xussan: in salaadda ruux dumarka  ah oo qaangaar ah ansaxmeeynin hadii ruxaas  madaxa hagoog usaarneen.

Xadiiskan waxa la-dhaha: “ Xadiiska hagoota ama qimaarka, akhriskiisana wa sidaan:

 روى عن النبي أنه قال : ” لا تقبل صلاة الحائض إلا بخمار”

Xadiiskan waxaad ka fahmeysa in qofta dumarka ah ku qasbantahay diin-ahaan inay hagoog madaxa saarato, keliya xiliga aay u taagantahay  tukashada salaada.

Taas micnaheeda waxa waaye in qofta dumarka ah ku qasbaneen diin-ahaan in  xiliwalba madaxa hagoog u saarnato.

Haddii arinta  sidaas ahaan-leheed, Rasuulka(scw) ma  fareen haweeka inaay  hagoogtaan marka aay salaadda tukanayaan, waayo micno kuma jiro in  qof marwalba hagoog madaxa usaarantahay lafaro inuu hagoog madaxa saarto xiliga salaadda u istaago.

Fariintan  Rasuulka(scw) bixiyey waxaad kafahmeeysa  in xiligii  Rasuulka (scw) jireen haween masaajidka  salaadda u soo aadi jirey ayagoo madax-feedan.

Arintaasna tahay sababta keentay in Rasuulka (scw) bixiyo fariintaan haweenka  ku amreysa in xiliga tukashada salaada hagoog madaxa saartaan.

Waxaa kale oo aad  ka fahmi kartaa xadiiskaas  in madax-feednaanta haweenka ahayn xaaraan, marka laga-reebo xiliga qofta dumarka ah salaada tukaneyso.

Xadiiskan hada kor ku xussan ee faraayo dumarka in madaxa hagoogtaan  xiliga salaada  waxaa soo saarey afar caalin oo magacyadooda laka yiraahdo: Abuu-Daauud, Ibn-Xanbal, Ibn-Majah, iyo  Al-Turmudi (Mafatiix al-kunooz safxada 168).

Waxaa xusid mudan in diinta Islaamka ragga iyo haweenka si siman u fareyso in ay is asturaan oo jirkooda ku asturaan dhar waasic ah oo isha dhaxmareeynin (ملابس غير شفافة Nan transpirantal cloths) islamarkaana muujineeynin qeeb ka mid ah qeebaha jirka.

Hadii qof haween ah doonto in madaxeeda daboolato, oo ay timaheeda qarsto, arinta waa mid shakhsi ah, xaq buuxana waa u leedahay in aay sidaas sameeyso, lakiin ficilkaas ma’ahan mid diin ku saleeysan ciqaab Rabina kama dhalanayso  haddii sidaas oo kale gabdhaha kale ay sameen waayaan waayo  arintu  ma dhaafsiisna shaqsi iyo dooqiisa.

Qoraalka ma’ahan mid loogu baaqayo haweenka muslinka ah in aay isqaawiyaan, hadafkiisana kama badna in la muujiyo in dharkan xiijaabka la yiraahdo diinta Rabiga meelna kaga xusneen.

W/Q:  Axmed Cismaan Maxamed

————

Axmed Cismaan. waa aqoonyahan cilmi baaris iyo qoraalo badan ka diyaariyay Arimaha bulshada. Maqaalo badan oo uu leeyahay waxaa laga heli karaa Shabakada Alshahid.net

Email:kalafow@hotmail.com

There is an unprecedented build-up of military force in Somalia. African Union peacekeepers are set to double to more than 17,000 while Kenya and Ethiopia have launched their own invasions. Soldiers from the USA, Britain and France are targeting insurgents with foreign terrorist links. This military influx could prove counter-productive, given the lack of resources for stabilising local politics and strengthening the economy
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Charming and jovial, Tanzanian diplomat Augustine Mahiga worked the room hard as he talked about tangible progress in Somalia to an array of stern faces at the African Union’s (AU) Peace and Security Council on 5 January in Addis Ababa.

“This is the moment when years of investment in Somalia could finally pay off if we stay the course and move forward together,” Mahiga intoned in his role as the UN secretary general’s special representative to Somalia.

It was a hard sell convincing fellow diplomats about progress in Somalia after another year of famine, piracy, fist fights in parliament and battles with jihadist militias.

The irrepressible Mahiga wants to show that he believes that the progress is real by moving his UN office to Mogadishu following an offensive by the AU troops that drove the Islamist Al-Shabaab militia out of the capital last year.

THE AU AND MAHIGA have asked the UN Security Council to approve funding to add 5,700 troops to the current total of 9,500.

That will add to what has become a multi-million-dollar business in pacifying, or at least neutralising, Somalia.

African defence officials and private military consultants are in hot pursuit of funding from the UN and intervening governments for operations and procurement.

Governments in the region earn $1,000 for each peacekeeper per month, and it also builds up their armies’ combat experience.

With anti-pirate flotillas from more than 24 countries patrolling the Gulf of Aden, and French and United States forces monitoring terrorist targets from Djibouti (and occasionally sending special forces into Mogadishu on covert operations), there is an unprecedented build-up of military force in and around Somalia.

There is quieter talk of the mineral and fishing resources off the longest coastline of any African state.

This new militarisation could result in political progress, according to the executive secretary of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development.

Kenya’s Mahboub Maalim told The Africa Report: “Somalia is closer to being stabilised than at any other time.

It is mostly due to the lifting of the UN Security Council resolution limiting border countries from intervening in Somalia.”

That change by the UN has legitimised the operations by Kenyan and Ethiopian troops over the past few months.

The Kenyan government wants to join the AU mission so its troops can be eligible for funding from the UN.

For Maalim, the next critical stage in Somalia will be political: “There will be some far-reaching changes. Elections must be held by the end of August. A new government will be formed, and one that hopefully comes without the baggage of the current one.”

This is where Somalia’s divided political class is meant to work with African governments and Mahiga’s UN office.

Few Somalis outside the partisan political groupings have much of a voice: civic organisations have taken a terrible hit in the past two decades.

Some UN officials are now trying to reinvigorate the reconciliation strategy launched by veteran Algerian diplomat Mohamed Sahnoun that worked with clan organisations, the foundation of Somali society.

President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu is meant to hand over power in August when a new constitution based on the principle of decentralisation comes into force.

The transitional parliament, which has voted itself a three-year extension, will be central to any transition: its members want to push out Sheikh Sharif but cannot agree on a replacement.

For Simon Mulongo, former director of the Eastern Africa Standby Brigade and now a Ugandan MP, there is a clear imperative for regional states to intervene: “Somalia represents a black spot, an ungoverned space, and therefore precipitates concerns of organised crime, bandit economies, etc., which affect the region directly and indirectly … This invites those affected to take charge of the situation … especially when they have Somali elements that also operate in their countries.”

al-SHABAAB ORGANISED a bomb attack in Kampala in July 2010, so Mulongo insists that the Ugandan government has vital security interests there: “Somalia is not just a problem for Somalia alone.

Terror groups operating in the region are creating relationships. The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) have links with groups also operating in Somalia.

Jamil Mukulu, the ADF leader, trained in the Middle East and has organised some of his elements to be linked with some of the groups.

The ADF is based in the western slopes of the Rwenzori and western Uganda.”

An intelligence source said Britain has growing concern about Somali-linked terrorists

The headline news is that Somalia – whether its rebel groups are deploying terrorist militias across Africa and Europe or sending daring pirates to the Gulf of Aden, through which half the world’s container traffic passes – is a global threat.

Little attention is paid to the harsh living conditions that most Somalis have to endure or to the breakdown of health and education services.

It took another famine last year, which put five million Somali lives at risk, to take the world’s focus away temporarily from the outside obsessions of piracy and terrorism.

That explains some of the scepticism about British Prime Minister David Cameron’s plan for a conference in London on 23 February “to deliver a new international approach to Somalia.”

In November, Cameron listed the reasons for calling the meeting: “Protecting merchant ships passing through the Gulf of Aden, tackling pirates, pressuring the extremists, supporting countries in the region and addressing the causes of conflict and instability in Somalia.”

A European diplomat knowledgeable about the preparations plays down expectations: “We’ll see a call for stronger support for the AU and the UN. There may be some changes in the international management of diplomacy on Somalia. They want to find a way to give Turkey and Qatar bigger roles, but we’re not expecting any policy breakthroughs.”

The tight timetable would preclude wider consultation or much innovative thinking, he argues. 
A London-based intelligence source added that Britain has growing concern about Somali-linked terror groups.

After Al Qaeda operative Fazul Abdullah Mohammed was killed in fighting in south-central Somalia in June 2011, files were found on his computer detailing plans for attacks on the 2012 Olympics and other targets in London.

Jermaine Grant, a Briton also known as Ali Mohammed Ibrahim, was arrested in Mombasa in early January and charged with possession of explosives.

Police say he was one of the 200 or so foreign fighters working with Al-Shabaab, of whom about 50 are said to have British passports.

Whatever the agenda for the conference, Cameron’s team has drawn up an impressive guest list including Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Kenya’s President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni and Somalia’s President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.

AL-SHABAAB LEADERS Ibrahim Haji Jama Mee’aad and Hassan Dahir Aweys, both under UN sanctions, are not invited even though their organisation will be under discussion.

Some African diplomats will urge talks with what they see as a more tractable faction of Al-Shabaab under Mukhtar Robow, while others argue that AU troops must press home their military advantage before opening talks.

Experts such as BBC journalist Mary Harper warn that “one of the biggest failures of policy towards Somalia has been the fixation with lengthy and expensive internationally sponsored peace conferences.”

In her new book Getting Somalia Wrong, Harper argues that these conferences “have produced a succession of weak transitional governments [which] have paid lip service to federalism but have tended to be highly centralised. They lack popular legitimacy because Somalis tend to see them as foreign creations.”

A better policy course, she says, would be to focus on the more stable regions and administrations such as Puntlandand Somaliland.

Belatedly, the US and Britain have backed those strategies, speaking of a “dual track” approach which means recognising the Mogadishu government but building up independent relationships with the self-governing areas.

Working with other semi-autonomous areas such as Galmudug, Ximan and Xeeb may be more problematic, although there are signs that UN and AU officials are moving in that direction.

Attempts by governments such as Ethiopia and Uganda to back self-governing areas are often dismissed by Somalis as attempts to carve up the country.

Uganda’s Mulongo describes a web of competing interests among the states intervening in Somalia: “For Ethiopia, it is about control of the sea.”

Ethiopia has been landlocked since Eritrea’s independence in 1991. According to ­Mulongo, Eritrea’s President Isaias Afewerki believes in stabilising southern Somalia “to stand up to Ethiopia and counter its hegemonic interests.”

The status of Ethiopia’s own Somali-speaking population in the country’s Ogaden region is of obsessive importance to the government in Addis Ababa.

An all-out war was fought between Ethiopia and Somalia over the Ogaden in the late 1970s.

Mulongo says this complicates regional policy: “The Ogaden war still lingers in the minds of Ethiopians. They cannot just sit back and allow the formation of a semi-­autonomous Jubaland region led by the Kenyans. It will obviously reopen the Ogaden issue.”

Mulongo and others see an escalating contest for influence among regional states in Somalia. Few, even in Nairobi, seem clear about why Kenya invaded Somalia with a more than 2,000-strong expeditionary force in October on the narrow pretext of hot pursuit against attacks by terrorist groups based in Somalia. 
It quickly emerged that Kenya’s intervention would not be over in the promised ‘matter of weeks’.

Instead, Kenya’s army is bedding down for a lengthy operation aiming to seize the southern port of Kismayo, which provides Al-Shabaab with revenues and taxes of more than $70m a year, according to UN investigators.

A tough battle looms ahead. 
Prime Minister Odinga has tried to calm TFG fears about the motives behind the invasion, saying that Kenya had no territorial interest in Somalia.

Questions persist about the creation of Jubaland last April, a semi-autonomous region in south-central Somalia, akin to Puntland and Somaliland.

Led by former TFG defence minister Professor Mohamed Abdi Gandhi, the new authority is meant to help force back Al-Shabaab and create a buffer zone for Northern Kenya.

Somali nationalists see it as another incursion by Kenya, whose last major dispute with Mogadishu sparked the 1964 Shifta War in Northern Kenya.

Because the TFG is politically weak in the south, Jubaland has never been popular in Mogadishu.

Ethiopia and Djibouti also oppose the creation of Jubaland, arguing that with a fragile government in Mogadishu, it’s a bad time to encourage more balkanisation.

Kenya’s expanding campaign raises questions about its relationship with Uganda, the senior partner in the AU peacekeeping effort.

Ethiopia prefers to stay out of the AU forces but sent its troops into western Somalia in December where they seized Beledweyne and a cluster of other towns from Al-Shabaab.

Addis Ababa remains profoundly sceptical about plans for a buffer zone – known as the Jubaland project – between northern Kenya and southern Somalia.

It would be yet another division of Somalia’s territory and a useful enclave for oppositionists who could easily cross into Ethiopia’s Ogaden region.

THERE IS ALSO an immediate problem of command and control for operations in Somalia.

After four years in the field, Uganda’s commanders may be unwilling to cede command of the AU mission, suggests a Kampala-based security expert: “Who will give orders to the Kenyan troops – [Uganda's] General Fred Mugisha or the Kenyan command? Will we see a reorganisation into sector commands or will there remain an overall command structure?”

As diplomats and commanders grapple with these organisational complexities, many Somalis worry about the implications of this influx of outside interests.

Some fear that instability and terrorism could increase, arguing that Al-Shabaab will resort to more car bombings and targeted assassinations once it is evicted from its current bases.

Diplomats warn that those intervening should not ignore some of the successes of the regional administrations and that the country is still far from the picture of universal anarchy as commonly portrayed.

Despite the debilitating conflict in Mogadishu and Kismayo, there has also been some impressive economic growth in areas such telecommunications, financial services and livestock farming.

Widespread internet access offers Somalis a vital link to the diaspora and the wider world.

The tremendous success of Somali traders in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Nairobi’s Eastleigh district points to the potential for the country’s economy, if Somalia’s people can find their own political solution as international pressure mounts.

Source: http://www.theafricareport.com

Pirates, the UK Government has realised, cannot be stopped as long as their land bases are not ruled by a government. With Somalia`s Government under attack from Islamic militants who are recruiting and training terrorists, a political solution must now be found for Somalia. So declared William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, clad in flak jacket and helmet, in Mogadishu on Thursday. The search will begin at a conference in London on February 23. At last.

And what a conference it will be. Some 40 heads of government have been invited to Lancaster House to discuss the takeover of Somalia. At least that is what the Italians, the former rulers of southern Somalia, want. But we have invited the wrong Somalis.

Somalia has been at war since the late 1980s, when rebel movements fought the Government of Siad Barre. He fled but then they fell out with each other and the country broke up. The North West, the old British-ruled Somaliland, re-established that state and declared independence. The rest of the North, Puntland, is also peaceful and rules itself but awaits the re-establishment of a Somali state.

So does some of the centre. But in the south and the capital, Mogadishu, there have been only two periods of peace. One followed the American invasion in 1992 after the first famine. But after losing 18 members of special forces in the Black Hawk Down incident of 1993 President Bill Clinton pulled out the US force and stopped supporting UN peacekeeping there. Somalia was left to stew.

The second peace period was in 2006 when a united mass uprising threw out the warlords and their rapacious armies. Governance was taken over by local Islamic courts that gradually formed themselves into the Islamic Courts Union. For a few months people were able to walk the streets safely. Peace reigned and trade and investment began to flow. But with US support the Ethiopians — who have no interest in a strong, united Somalia — invaded, broke up the courts and installed a warlord as President. The wars resumed.

The cost of neglect has been immense. According to a recent report from the Center for American Progress, a Washington think-tank, the death toll is between 450,000 and 1.5 million, with some 2 million displaced. The accumulative cost of Somalia`s collapse has been more than $55 billion, including $22 billion from piracy; $13 billion has been spent on humanitarian aid, which is almost matched by the estimated amount Somalis outside the country send back in remittances.

After the Ethiopians were forced to withdraw, the world handed Somalia over to Africa. Never has the phrase “African solutions to African problems” been used so cynically. Under an African Union flag, Ugandan and Burundian troops died protecting a few square kilometres of Mogadishu in the pretence there was a government there to protect. There wasn`t.

The so-called Government lives in luxury hotels and apartments in Nairobi. According to a recent audit of the Somali Government in 2009-2010, 96 per cent — yes, ninety-six per cent! — of direct bilateral assistance disappeared, presumably stolen by corrupt politicians and officials.

An official report by the UN Monitoring Group said: “The endemic corruption of the leadership of the transitional federal institutions … is the greatest impediment to the emergence of a cohesive transitional authority and effective state institutions.” But it is these people who will be coming to Lancaster House on February 23. We know that in much of Somalia there are very strong civil society organisations led by highly respected men and women. They, however, will not be invited.

So perhaps the first thing this great conference should do is apologise to the people of Somalia for ignoring their plight for so long. The second is to usher Somalia`s professional politicians into the garden or off to smart hotels and bring in some Somalis who really represent the interests of the country and its long-suffering people.

Richard Dowden is Director of the Royal African Society and author of Africa: Altered States Ordinary Miracles

Source: www.thetimes.co.uk/

At this dreadful moment in its history—when the obituary of a nation in life support is being written—political correctness is a luxury that Somalia cannot afford. Yes, Somalia is a failed state. But, failure is not a permanent condition, unless people choose to make it so by retiring their dignity and spirit of resilience.

Since the collapse of the military government 21 years ago, Somalia went through various levels of problems perpetuated by clan militias, warlords, economic-lords, religious-lords, regional-lords, and a group that I would refer to as the Ghost-lords. All except the latter were domestic phenomena, and as counter-intuitive as it may seem, the Ghost-lords is the most elusive and perhaps the biggest obstacle to the reconstitution of the Somali state. Yet it remains the highest international authority that oversees every aspect of the political process in Somalia.

The Ghost-lords are a loose association of paradoxical powers of the Good, Bad, and Ugly of International Community. They come with all kinds of stripes, creeds, dogmas, and political and economic opportunism; they work together and work against each other; they provide solutions and problems, enticements and threats, good governance and corruption.

Of course this is not to say that there is a covert web of conspiracy connecting every aspect of the Ghost-lords. There is no evidence that each of the elements that make up the Ghost-lords is driven by the same objective. In fact, there is ample evidence to the contrary as certain elements within that group have interests that are clearly at odds with one another, especially on who should engineer the post civil-war Somali state and whose interest should that state serve.

In one form or another, the Ghost-lords have funded at least 15 “Reconciliation Conferences” that turned out to be nothing more than pricey power-clutching rituals. Within the span of 12 years of transition, these so-called Reconciliation Conferences have produced 3 Presidents and 9 Prime Ministers.

While there certainly are domestic factors that keep Somalia divided, nothing has exacerbated the downward spiral to balkanization more than Ethiopia and United States’ respective policies toward that nation. Ethiopia’s Building Blocks or Frag-D-Frag approach (fragmenting the fragmented) offers military trainings and weapons to any and all political actors on the ground, despite the UN weapons embargo on Somalia (92). Coupled with the US’ Dual-Track policy which provides political legitimacy and financial incentives to any and all political actors so long as they stand opposed to al-Shabaab, even if said actors are on a path that makes the reconstitution of the Somali state extremely difficult, if not impossible.

Currently, there are at least 25 Village and Regional States within the country with their own Presidents, Defense Ministers, Foreign Ministers, etc. The International Community not only accepts these actors as the legitimate stakeholders who could function as independent Mini-States, it encourages other such entities to be formed as it reserves space for what it calls “Emerging States”.

Ironically, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) that theoretically represents Somalia in the United Nations and is recognized by all international institutions is placed in a political straitjacket that practically handicapped its decision-making authority. At this stage of the political process, any of the above-mentioned 25 Mini-States has more authority to make any political and economic decisions without earning the wrath of the Ghost-lords.

Marching to the cacophonic drumbeats of the Ghost-lords became the only source of political legitimacy, even if the march leads to what might be against Somalia’s national interest. Today, the TFG and theTransitional Federal Parliament (TFP) are under extraordinary pressure from people who are not part of the indigenous stakeholders such as regional administrations or local civil societies to expedite the ratification of a controversial draft constitution that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) claims to have spent $60 million that has more holes than Swiss cheese. All that before any genuine reconciliation has taken place.

“As I have mentioned before, finalizing the draft Constitution before the May deadline must be a top priority now,” wrote the UN special Representative for Somalia, Ambassador Augustine Mahiga in a letter published on Jan 26th. Then he added this stiff warning to the TFP “One of the key problems remains the ongoing impasse within the Parliament. I have impressed upon the leaders that the region and the international community demands that it is resolved quickly. As I have constantly reminded all parties, spoilers of the peace process will not be tolerated and non-compliance will result in decisive action.”

In fairness to the TFP, despite its occasional display of unprofessionalism, has on this occasion exercised its legitimate authority and employed a democratic process replacing its Speaker via a vote of no confidence- a decision that has considerable public support. Yet, they are considered “spoilers of the peace process”! Apparently, the TFP has ousted a man of great value to the Ghost-lords.

It is against this backdrop that British Prime Minister David Cameron called the London Conference on Somalia (Feb 23). The conference is supposed to attract some Heads of States and high-level representatives from 40 different countries, mostly from donor nations. The conference organizers ought to be commended for the interest and momentum they have generated in a few months. The expectation is high. However, the question is: how much can one expect from such a congested half-a-day conference?

In addition to its strategic geopolitical importance, it’s now a public knowledge that Somalia is rich in natural resources such as oil and minerals such as uranium. Granted, this could be a curse or a blessing. While this news and the Somali state’s disintegration into balkanized political entities (who are free to sign any deals with any one) might make economic predators drool with temptation, all those who are interested in peace, security and environmental welfare should be seriously concerned. Who would stop any such political entity from going into a contract with some mercenaries or rogue private security firms to mine uranium? Who would protect the public interest and set up strict policies to protect against environmental problems that could ensue from mining such hazardous minerals? How would such non-state actors be kept in compliance with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as they are not members of the UN? And who would prevent that uranium from reaching the black market?

Solving the Somali political problem would require a new paradigm and partners who are less intrusive honest brokers. Somalia needs a decentralized unitary government and a national army to safeguard its collective security. But not before an indigenous reconciliation that includes Somaliland takes place, and not before a new constitution that specifies the individual and state rights as well as the legal authority to land and natural resources is collectively negotiated and ratified. Somaliland is indeed the missing link.

Abukar Arman is Somalia Special Envoy to the United States.

Source: http://www.eurasiareview.com

BOOK REVIEW

“It’s amazing how you all sit there and watch yourselves die,” the man next to me said. “Get up and do something about it.”

Brawny, fully bald-headed, with intense, steely eyes, he was as cold as they come. When I first discovered I was going to spend my New Year’s Eve next to him on a non-stop JetBlue flight from Los Angeles to Boston I was angst-ridden. I associate marble-shaven Caucasians with iconoclastic skin-heads, most of who are racist.

“My name is Walter,” he extended his hand as soon as I settled in my seat.
I told him mine with a precautious smile.
“Where are you from?” he asked.
“Zambia.”
“Zambia!” he exclaimed, “Kaunda’s country.”
“Yes,” I said, “Now Sata’s.”
“But of course,” he responded. “You just elected King Cobra as your president.”

My face lit up at the mention of Sata’s moniker. Walter smiled, and in those cold eyes I saw an amenable fellow, one of those American highbrows who shuttle between Africa and the U.S.

“I spent three years in Zambia in the 1980s,” he continued. “I wined and dined with Luke Mwananshiku, Willa Mungomba, Dr. Siteke Mwale, and many other highly intelligent Zambians.” He lowered his voice. “I was part of the IMF group that came to rip you guys off.” He smirked. “Your government put me in a million dollar mansion overlooking a shanty called Kalingalinga. From my patio I saw it all—the rich and the poor, the ailing, the dead, and the healthy.”
“Are you still with the IMF?” I asked.
“I have since moved to yet another group with similar intentions. In the next few months my colleagues and I will be in Lusaka to hypnotize the cobra. I work for the broker that has acquired a chunk of your debt. Your government owes not the World Bank, but us millions of dollars. We’ll be in Lusaka to offer your president a couple of millions and fly back with a check twenty times greater.”
“No, you won’t,” I said. “King Cobra is incorruptible. He is …”
He was laughing. “Says who? Give me an African president, just one, who has not fallen for the carrot and stick.”
Quett Masire’s name popped up.
“Oh, him, well, we never got to him because he turned down the IMF and the World Bank. It was perhaps the smartest thing for him to do.”

At midnight we were airborne. The captain wished us a happy 2012 and urged us to watch the fireworks across Los Angeles.
“Isn’t that beautiful,” Walter said looking down.
From my middle seat, I took a glance and nodded admirably.
“That’s white man’s country,” he said. “We came here on Mayflower and turned Indian land into a paradise and now the most powerful nation on earth. We discovered the bulb, and built this aircraft to fly us to pleasure resorts like Lake Zambia.”
I grinned. “There is no Lake Zambia.”

He curled his lips into a smug smile. “That’s what we call your country. You guys are as stagnant as the water in the lake. We come in with our large boats and fish your minerals and your wildlife and leave morsels—crumbs. That’s your staple food, crumbs. That corn-meal you eat, that’s crumbs, the small Tilapia fish you call Kapenta is crumbs. We the Bwanas (whites) take the cat fish. I am the Bwana and you are the Muntu. I get what I want and you get what you deserve, crumbs. That’s what lazy people get—Zambians, Africans, the entire Third World.”
The smile vanished from my face.
“I see you are getting pissed off,” Walter said and lowered his voice. “You are thinking this Bwana is a racist. That’s how most Zambians respond when I tell them the truth. They go ballistic. Okay. Let’s for a moment put our skin pigmentations, this black and white crap, aside. Tell me, my friend, what is the difference between you and me?”
“There’s no difference.”
“Absolutely none,” he exclaimed. “Scientists in the Human Genome Project have proved that. It took them thirteen years to determine the complete sequence of the three billion DNA subunits. After they were all done it was clear that 99.9% nucleotide bases were exactly the same in you and me. We are the same people. All white, Asian, Latino, and black people on this aircraft are the same.”
I gladly nodded.

“And yet I feel superior,” he smiled fatalistically. “Every white person on this plane feels superior to a black person. The white guy who picks up garbage, the homeless white trash on drugs, feels superior to you no matter his status or education. I can pick up a nincompoop from the New York streets, clean him up, and take him to Lusaka and you all be crowding around him chanting muzungu, muzungu and yet he’s a riffraff. Tell me why my angry friend.”

For a moment I was wordless.
“Please don’t blame it on slavery like the African Americans do, or colonialism, or some psychological impact or some kind of stigmatization. And don’t give me the brainwash poppycock. Give me a better answer.”

I was thinking.
He continued. “Excuse what I am about to say. Please do not take offense.”
I felt a slap of blood rush to my head and prepared for the worst.
“You my friend flying with me and all your kind are lazy,” he said. “When you rest your head on the pillow you don’t dream big. You and other so-called African intellectuals are damn lazy, each one of you. It is you, and not those poor starving people, who is the reason Africa is in such a deplorable state.”
“That’s not a nice thing to say,” I protested.

He was implacable. “Oh yes it is and I will say it again, you are lazy. Poor and uneducated Africans are the most hardworking people on earth. I saw them in the Lusaka markets and on the street selling merchandise. I saw them in villages toiling away. I saw women on Kafue Road crushing stones for sell and I wept. I said to myself where are the Zambian intellectuals? Are the Zambian engineers so imperceptive they cannot invent a simple stone crusher, or a simple water filter to purify well water for those poor villagers? Are you telling me that after thirty-seven years of independence your university school of engineering has not produced a scientist or an engineer who can make simple small machines for mass use? What is the school there for?”

I held my breath.

“Do you know where I found your intellectuals? They were in bars quaffing. They were at the Lusaka Golf Club, Lusaka Central Club, Lusaka Playhouse, and Lusaka Flying Club. I saw with my own eyes a bunch of alcoholic graduates. Zambian intellectuals work from eight to five and spend the evening drinking. We don’t. We reserve the evening for brainstorming.”

He looked me in the eye.
“And you flying to Boston and all of you Zambians in the Diaspora are just as lazy and apathetic to your country. You don’t care about your country and yet your very own parents, brothers and sisters are in Mtendere, Chawama, and in villages, all of them living in squalor. Many have died or are dying of neglect by you. They are dying of AIDS because you cannot come up with your own cure. You are here calling yourselves graduates, researchers and scientists and are fast at articulating your credentials once asked—oh, I have a PhD in this and that—PhD my foot!”
I was deflated.

“Wake up you all!” he exclaimed, attracting the attention of nearby passengers. “You should be busy lifting ideas, formulae, recipes, and diagrams from American manufacturing factories and sending them to your own factories. All those research findings and dissertation papers you compile should be your country’s treasure. Why do you think the Asians are a force to reckon with? They stole our ideas and turned them into their own. Look at Japan, China, India, just look at them.”

He paused. “The Bwana has spoken,” he said and grinned. “As long as you are dependent on my plane, I shall feel superior and you my friend shall remain inferior, how about that? The Chinese, Japanese, Indians, even Latinos are a notch better. You Africans are at the bottom of the totem pole.”

He tempered his voice. “Get over this white skin syndrome and begin to feel confident. Become innovative and make your own stuff for god’s sake.”

At 8 a.m. the plane touched down at Boston’s Logan International Airport. Walter reached for my hand.
“I know I was too strong, but I don’t give it a damn. I have been to Zambia and have seen too much poverty.” He pulled out a piece of paper and scribbled something. “Here, read this. It was written by a friend.”
He had written only the title: “Lords of Poverty.”

Thunderstruck, I had a sinking feeling. I watched Walter walk through the airport doors to a waiting car. He had left a huge dust devil twirling in my mind, stirring up sad memories of home. I could see Zambia’s literati—the cognoscente, intelligentsia, academics, highbrows, and scholars in the places he had mentioned guzzling and talking irrelevancies. I remembered some who have since passed—how they got the highest grades in mathematics and the sciences and attained the highest education on the planet. They had been to Harvard, Oxford, Yale, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), only to leave us with not a single invention or discovery. I knew some by name and drunk with them at the Lusaka Playhouse and Central Sports.

Walter is right. It is true that since independence we have failed to nurture creativity and collective orientations. We as a nation lack a workhorse mentality and behave like 13 million civil servants dependent on a government pay cheque. We believe that development is generated 8-to-5 behind a desk wearing a tie with our degrees hanging on the wall. Such a working environment does not offer the opportunity for fellowship, the excitement of competition, and the spectacle of innovative rituals.

But the intelligentsia is not solely, or even mainly, to blame. The larger failure is due to political circumstances over which they have had little control. The past governments failed to create an environment of possibility that fosters camaraderie, rewards innovative ideas and encourages resilience. KK, Chiluba, Mwanawasa, and Banda embraced orthodox ideas and therefore failed to offer many opportunities for drawing outside the line.

I believe King Cobra’s reset has been cast in the same faculties as those of his predecessors. If today I told him that we can build our own car, he would throw me out.

“Naupena? Fuma apa.” (Are you mad? Get out of here)

Knowing well that King Cobra will not embody innovation at Walter’s level let’s begin to look for a technologically active-positive leader who can succeed him after a term or two. That way we can make our own stone crushers, water filters, water pumps, razor blades, and harvesters. Let’s dream big and make tractors, cars, and planes, or, like Walter said, forever remain inferior.

A fundamental transformation of our country from what is essentially non-innovative to a strategic superior African country requires a bold risk-taking educated leader with a triumphalist attitude and we have one in YOU. Don’t be highly strung and feel insulted by Walter. Take a moment and think about our country. Our journey from 1964 has been marked by tears. It has been an emotionally overwhelming experience. Each one of us has lost a loved one to poverty, hunger, and disease. The number of graves is catching up with the population. It’s time to change our political culture. It’s time for Zambian intellectuals to cultivate an active-positive progressive movement that will change our lives forever. Don’t be afraid or dispirited, rise to the challenge and salvage the remaining few of your beloved ones.

By Field Ruwe

Field Ruwe is a US-based Zambian media practitioner and author. He is a PhD candidate with a B.A. in Mass Communication and Journalism, and an M.A. in History